Theme Eight
Peasants, Zamindars and the State
Agrarian Society and the Mughal Empire (c. 16th–17th Centuries)
85%
of India's population lived in villages (16th–17th c.)
50
varieties of rice grown in Bengal alone
1598
Year Ain-i-Akbari was completed (5 revisions)
40%
Estimated forest cover of India's territory
PART A: CHAPTER NOTES
1. Peasants and Agricultural Production
1.1 Sources of Information
Peasants did not write about themselves. Our knowledge comes from:
- Ain-i-Akbari (Abu'l Fazl) – most important chronicle; records state arrangements for cultivation, revenue, and zamindars
- Revenue records from Gujarat, Maharashtra, Rajasthan (17th–18th c.)
- East India Company records – useful for eastern India
⚠️ Limitation of Ain-i-Akbari
The Ain gives a "view from the top." Its purpose was to show Akbar's empire as harmonious — peasant revolts were seen as predestined to fail. It does NOT represent the peasant's own voice.1.2 Types of Peasants
| Term | Meaning |
|---|---|
| Raiyat / Muzarian | General Indo-Persian term for peasant |
| Kisan / Asami | Other common terms for peasant |
| Khud-kashta | Resident peasant – lived and farmed in same village |
| Pahi-kashta | Non-resident peasant – farmed in another village on contract |
📊 Peasant Landholding Comparison
North India: Average peasant had ≤ 1 pair of bullocks + 2 ploughs | Gujarat: 6 acres = affluent | Bengal: 5 acres = average farm; 10 acres = rich asami1.3 Irrigation & Technology
🌧️
Monsoons
Backbone of Indian agriculture
⚙️
Persian Wheel
Rope-bucket system, bullock-powered (Punjab)
🪣
Bucket System
Simpler system for wells (Agra/Bayana)
🏛️
State Canals
Shah Jahan built shahnahr in Punjab
- Wooden plough with iron tip – shallow furrows preserved soil moisture
- Drill pulled by oxen for sowing; broadcasting was most common method
- Narrow iron blade + wooden handle for hoeing and weeding
1.4 An Abundance of Crops
🌾 Kharif (Autumn)
Rice, Maize, Cotton, Sugarcane🌿 Rabi (Spring)
Wheat, Millets, Oilseeds, Lentils💰 Jins-i-Kamil (Cash Crops)
Cotton, Sugarcane, Mustard, Indigo- Most regions produced 2 crops/year (do-fasla); well-irrigated areas: 3 crops
- New World crops introduced in 17th c.: Maize (makka), tomatoes, potatoes, chillies, pineapple, papaya
- Tobacco: arrived in Deccan first → north India c. 1604; Jahangir banned it (unsuccessfully)
2. The Village Community
🏛️ Social Pyramid of Mughal Rural Society
ZAMINDARS (apex)
CULTIVATORS (khud-kashta, pahi-kashta)
ARTISANS / VILLAGE SPECIALISTS
MENIALS / AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS (majur)
2.1 Caste and the Rural Milieu
- Lower levels: Direct correlation between caste, poverty & social status — menials (majur) were lowest
- Muslim menials (halalkhoran/scavengers) lived outside village; mallahzadas in Bihar were comparable to slaves
- Intermediate levels: More fluid – Rajputs and Jats farmed side-by-side in Marwar; Gauravas sought Rajput status
- Ahirs, Gujars, Malis rose due to profitable cattle rearing and horticulture
2.2 Panchayats and Headmen
| Aspect | Details |
|---|---|
| Panchayat | Assembly of village elders with hereditary property rights; represented various castes (not menials) |
| Headman (Muqaddam/Mandal) | Chosen by elders, ratified by zamindar; supervised accounts (with patwari) |
| Powers | Levy fines, expel members, allocate land to artisans, settle disputes |
| Jati Panchayats | Each caste had its own panchayat for internal disputes (land, marriage, ritual) |
| Petitions | Lower castes petitioned against excessive taxes and begar (forced labour) |
⚠️ Corrupt Mandals
Mandals often defrauded village accounts (with patwari) and underassessed their own lands to push the tax burden onto smaller cultivators.2.3 Village Artisans
- Could be up to 25% of village households: potters, blacksmiths, carpenters, barbers, goldsmiths
- Compensated by: share of harvest, land allotment (miras/watan in Maharashtra), or cash allowance
- Artisan–peasant boundary was fluid – cultivators did craft work during agricultural lulls
- This system of exchange was later called the jajmani system (term not used in 16th–17th c.)
2.4 A "Little Republic"?
💡 Key Concept
Some British officials called the village a "little republic" — but this was wrong. There was NO equality: individual ownership existed, caste and gender inequities were deep, and a cash economy had already developed linking villages to towns.3. Women in Agrarian Society
| Men's Roles | Women's Roles |
|---|---|
| Tilling, ploughing | Sowing, weeding, threshing, winnowing |
| Market/outside work | Spinning yarn, pottery clay, embroidery |
| Owned/controlled property | Could inherit zamindaris among landed gentry |
- More commercialized product → greater demand on women's labour
- Biases: Menstruating women barred from plough (western India) or betel groves (Bengal)
- High female mortality led to shortage of wives → bride-price (not dowry) + remarriage allowed
- Women petitioned panchayats but names often excluded from records (referred to as "wife of...")
- Famous example: Rajshahi zamindari (Bengal, 18th c.) headed by a woman
4. Forests and Tribes
🌳 Forest Cover
Estimated at ~40% of India's territory. Forests in eastern India, central India, Terai (Nepal border), Jharkhand, Western Ghats, Deccan plateau.4.1 Forest Dwellers (Jangli)
- Jangli = NOT uncivilized; those whose livelihood came from forests
- Bhil seasonal cycle: Spring = forest produce | Summer = fishing | Monsoon = cultivation | Autumn/Winter = hunting
- State viewed forests as mawas (refuge) for rebels — "jungles provided good defence" (Babur)
4.2 Inroads into Forests
- Peshkash (tribute) included supply of elephants to state
- Forest products in demand: honey, beeswax, gum lac (gum lac became major overseas export in 17th c.)
- Lohanis (Punjab): Overland traders between India and Afghanistan
- Many tribal chiefs → zamindars → kings (e.g., Koch kings, Ahom kings)
- Ahom kings had paiks – people giving military service in exchange for land
- Sufi saints (pirs) spread Islam in newly colonized forest areas
5. The Zamindars
| Feature | Details |
|---|---|
| Milkiyat lands | Personal lands; farmed with hired/servile labour; freely saleable, mortgageable |
| Revenue role | Collected revenue for state; compensated financially |
| Military strength | Fortresses (qilachas), cavalry, artillery, infantry — 3.84 lakh cavalry collectively! |
| Economic role | Established haats (markets), gave loans, colonized new land |
| Relationship with peasants | Exploitative but also showed reciprocity, paternalism, patronage |
✅ Key Point
Bhakti saints did NOT portray zamindars as the main oppressors — they blamed state revenue officials. In many 17th century uprisings, zamindars sided with peasants against the state.6. Land Revenue System
Land Classification (from Ain)
| Type | Condition |
|---|---|
| Polaj | Cultivated every year; never fallow |
| Parauti | Left fallow temporarily to recover fertility |
| Chachar | Fallow for 3–4 years |
| Banjar | Uncultivated for 5+ years |
Revenue Collection Methods
| Method | How it worked |
|---|---|
| Kankut | Visual estimation of standing crop |
| Batai / Bhaoli | Crops reaped and physically divided by agreement |
| Khet-batai | Fields divided after sowing |
| Lang batai | Cut grain formed into heaps and divided |
📋 Two Stages of Revenue
Jama = Amount assessed/fixed | Hasil = Amount actually collected. Akbar preferred cash but kept the option of payment in kind. Revenue = 1/3 of average produce (of good + middling + bad land).7. The Flow of Silver
- The great Asian empires: Mughal (India), Ming (China), Safavid (Iran), Ottoman (Turkey)
- Political stability → overland trade from China to Mediterranean + expansion with Europe
- India exported goods; received silver bullion as payment (India had no natural silver)
- Result: Stable silver rupya in India from 16th–18th centuries → expanded minting, currency circulation, cash revenue
- Giovanni Careri (c. 1690): All gold and silver circulating the world "at last centres here"
8. The Ain-i-Akbari
| Daftar (Book) | Contents |
|---|---|
| 1. Manzil-abadi | Imperial household and its maintenance |
| 2. Sipah-abadi | Military/civil administration; biographical sketches of mansabdars, poets, artists |
| 3. Mulk-abadi | Fiscal data; revenue rates; Account of the Twelve Provinces (most useful for agrarian history) |
| 4 & 5 | Religious, literary, cultural traditions + Akbar's "auspicious sayings" |
- Completed 1598, after 5 revisions; part of the larger Akbar Nama
- Mulk-abadi tables: 8 columns – parganat, forts, measured area, revenue in cash, grants, zamindars, zamindar castes, troops
⚠️ Limitations of Ain
(1) Minor arithmetic errors (slips by assistants). (2) Non-uniform data – no caste data for Bengal/Orissa zamindars. (3) Price/wage data only from Agra region. (4) It is a "view from the top" – Akbar's perspective, not peasants'.PART B: IN-CHAPTER QUESTIONS ANSWERED
1Source 1 (Babur Nama): What aspects of agricultural life in northern India struck Babur?
Babur was struck by: (1) How easily villages could be set up or abandoned — people could vanish in a day and a half without a trace. (2) Crops grew on rainwater alone — no need for canals. (3) Unlimited land, grass, and wood made quick settlement easy. (4) Population was so abundant it "swarmed in" wherever land was available. (5) Simple wells or tanks sufficed; no elaborate infrastructure needed.
2Source 2 (Babur Nama): Compare Mughal north India irrigation with Vijayanagara. What resources did each need?
Mughal north India: (a) Persian wheel (Punjab) — bullock-powered rope-and-bucket wheel; needed: cattle, mechanical parts, well. (b) Bucket system (Agra) — simpler; needed two people + bullock. Vijayanagara: Large tanks, canals, river diversions — needed: state/community investment, stone-cutting, large labour force. The simpler Mughal bucket system allowed individual peasants to participate in irrigation improvement, while Vijayanagara tanks required collective or state action and substantial resources.
3Source 3 (Chandimangala poem): What forms of forest intrusion does the text evoke? Who are the "foreigners"?
Intrusions: (1) Settlers from many lands arriving with axes, knives, battle-axes — organized forest clearing. (2) Establishment of markets in cleared areas. (3) Arrival of diverse groups: Das people from north, harvesters from south, Zafar Mian and 22,000 men from west (Muslims chanting for their pir). From the forest dwellers' perspective, the "foreigners" were all the incoming settlers (Hindu and Muslim) who arrived from outside to clear forests and establish agricultural settlements and markets.
4Source 4 (Abu'l Fazl): What modes of transport? Why used? What were hill articles used for?
Transport: Men (carrying on backs), stout ponies, goats — used because mountain terrain was inaccessible to wheeled carts. Hill articles and their uses: Gold/copper/lead = metals for craft and trade; Musk = perfume; Honey + chuk = food and condiments; Borax + zedoary = medicine; Majith = red textile dye; Wax = candles and sealing; Woollen stuffs = clothing; Hawks/falcons = hunting birds. In exchange, plains sent cloth, salt, asafoetida, ornaments, glass, earthenware.
5Discuss: How were Mughal panchayats similar to or different from present-day gram panchayats?
SIMILAR: Both settle village disputes, maintain community welfare, represent village interests, regulate local affairs. DIFFERENT: Mughal panchayat — hereditary membership, caste-based, excluded lower castes and women, decisions informal. Modern gram panchayat — democratically elected, legally mandated, includes women (33% reservation), accountable to law courts. Mughal panchayat could expel members socially; modern panchayat works within the legal framework.
6Source 5: What principles did Mughal state follow in classifying lands? How was revenue assessed?
Lands were classified by regularity of cultivation: Polaj (annually cultivated), Parauti (periodic fallow), Chachar (3–4 year fallow), Banjar (5+ year fallow). For the first two categories, three quality classes were used: good, middling, bad. Revenue = one-third of the average produce (calculated by adding produce of good + middling + bad land and taking one-third of the total as the royal share).
7Source 6: What difference would each revenue collection system make to the cultivator?
Kankut (estimation): Convenient but open to corruption and inaccuracy — cultivator uncertain of the amount. Batai (physical division): Transparent if honest inspectors present; cultivator can see exactly what state takes, but needed reliable officials. Khet-batai (field division): Done early, before harvest, giving cultivator certainty. Lang batai (heap division): Transparent but required physical attendance of parties. Cash payment was convenient for trade but hurt cultivators in bad years when they had to sell crops cheaply to pay taxes.
8Source 7: Why did Aurangzeb insist on a detailed cultivation survey?
Aurangzeb wanted a village-by-village, peasant-wise (asamiwar) survey because: (1) To know the actual conditions of cultivation, not just estimates. (2) To assess jama (revenue) accurately and fairly. (3) To balance the government's financial interests with the welfare of peasantry. (4) To prevent corrupt officials from manipulating records for personal gain. Accurate ground data helped maximize revenue collection while ensuring cultivation continued and peasants were not driven to abandon their fields.
9Source 9: List Abu'l Fazl's sources. Which were most useful for agrarian relations? How did his relationship with Akbar influence his work?
Sources used: (1) Oral testimonies from state servants, old family members, older and younger men. (2) Notes and memoranda sent from provinces on royal command. (3) Imperial record office chronicles from the 19th regnal year. (4) Originals/copies of provincial orders. (5) Reports submitted by ministers and high officials. Most useful for agrarian relations: Provincial orders and ministerial reports — these contained actual revenue, land, and zamindar data. Influence of Akbar: Abu'l Fazl was commissioned by Akbar, so the work glorified the emperor and his rule, presented the empire as harmonious, and downplayed peasant resistance. It remained a "view from the top."
PART C: EXERCISE QUESTIONS ANSWERED
Answer in 100–150 Words
1What are the problems in using the Ain as a source for reconstructing agrarian history? How do historians deal with this?
Problems: (1) It is a "view from the top" — written for the state, not by peasants. (2) Minor arithmetic errors in totals by assistants. (3) Data is not uniform — Bengal and Orissa lack caste data on zamindars. (4) Price/wage data only from around Agra — not representative of whole country. (5) Biased towards showing Mughal order as harmonious — peasant resistance is suppressed. How historians deal with it: They supplement the Ain with (a) regional revenue records from Gujarat, Maharashtra, Rajasthan; (b) East India Company records for eastern India; (c) Local petitions and panchayat records that reveal the peasant perspective and conflicts with zamindars and the state. They use the Ain's quantitative data carefully, keeping its biases in mind.
2To what extent is it possible to characterise agricultural production in the 16th–17th centuries as subsistence agriculture?
Agricultural production was PARTLY subsistence, PARTLY commercial. Evidence of subsistence: Basic staples — rice, wheat, millet — were most cultivated; most peasants owned minimal assets. Evidence of commercialization: (1) Jins-i-kamil (cash crops) like cotton and sugarcane were widely grown. (2) Revenue was collected in cash — forcing peasants to sell produce. (3) Oilseeds and lentils were sold in markets. (4) New crops like tobacco, maize spread rapidly for commercial reasons. (5) Artisans sometimes received cash wages. (6) Trade linked villages to towns; villages had money-changers (shroffs). Conclusion: Subsistence and commercial production were closely intertwined in an average peasant's holding — it was never purely one or the other.
3Describe the role played by women in agricultural production.
Women played a vital but undervalued role. Field work: sowing, weeding, threshing, winnowing (while men tilled and ploughed). Artisanal work: spinning yarn, kneading clay for pottery, embroidery — the more commercialized the product, the greater the demand on women. Women went to employers' homes or markets when needed. However, they faced biases: menstruating women were barred from the plough or betel groves. They were considered important as child bearers in a labour-dependent society — but high mortality (from malnutrition, frequent pregnancies, childbirth) made wives scarce, leading to bride-price payments and acceptance of widow/divorcee remarriage. Despite economic contribution, women faced strict male control; their names were often excluded from panchayat records.
4Discuss, with examples, the significance of monetary transactions during the period under consideration.
Money played a crucial and expanding role: (1) Land revenue was assessed and collected in cash by the Mughal state — forcing peasants into the money economy. (2) Village artisans received cash wages — Tavernier noted zamindars in Bengal paid blacksmiths, carpenters "a small daily allowance and diet money." (3) The influx of silver bullion from global trade made the silver rupya stable (16th–18th c.), enabling unprecedented coin minting. (4) Zamindari transactions — buying and selling of zamindaris accelerated monetization in the countryside. (5) Every village had a shroff (moneychanger) who also acted as a banker. (6) Weavers and other export artisans received cash advances. Thus, money increasingly linked villages to wider market networks and the global trade economy.
5Examine the evidence that suggests that land revenue was important for the Mughal fiscal system.
Land revenue was the economic backbone of the Mughal Empire. Evidence: (1) The entire third book of the Ain (mulk-abadi) is dedicated to revenue data — showing its centrality. (2) The diwan's office existed specifically to supervise the fiscal system. (3) Akbar scientifically classified land into Polaj, Parauti, Chachar, Banjar to maximize assessment. (4) Both cultivated and cultivable lands were measured in every province. (5) Revenue officials (amil-guzar) were instructed to maximize collections. (6) Aurangzeb in 1665 ordered detailed village-by-village surveys to improve accuracy. (7) The state tried to collect revenue in cash — facilitated by the stable silver rupya. The entire administrative machinery — revenue assessors, collectors, record-keepers — existed primarily to ensure regular land revenue collection.
Short Essays (250–300 Words)
6To what extent do you think caste was a factor in influencing social and economic relations in agrarian society?
Caste was a fundamental organizing principle of agrarian society, though its rigidity varied by social level.
At lower levels: A direct correlation existed between caste, poverty, and social status. Lower castes were assigned menial tasks (majur/agricultural labourers) and had the fewest resources. Muslim menials like halalkhoran lived outside village boundaries; mallahzadas in Bihar were like slaves. Caste determined who could access panchayat representation — the village menial-cum-agricultural worker was unlikely to be represented.
At intermediate levels: The correlation was less rigid. Rajputs and Jats cultivated side by side in Marwar; Gauravas sought and gained Rajput status in the 17th century. Ahirs, Gujars, and Malis rose through profitability of cattle rearing and horticulture. Sadgops and Kaivartas (eastern India) acquired peasant status from pastoral/fishing communities.
In economic relations: Zamindars were predominantly upper-caste (Brahmana-Rajput), though intermediate and Muslim zamindars also existed. Caste determined which artisanal groups served which communities (jajmani system). Revenue officials tended to be upper-caste. Caste even influenced access to credit and markets.
In governance: Panchayats represented dominant castes; jati panchayats regulated marriage, land, and ritual precedence within each caste group.
Conclusion: Caste was a fundamental organizing principle — it determined access to land, resources, justice, and mobility. However, economic factors like profitability of new occupations did allow some social mobility, especially at intermediate levels. The system was rigid at the bottom, more flexible in the middle.
At lower levels: A direct correlation existed between caste, poverty, and social status. Lower castes were assigned menial tasks (majur/agricultural labourers) and had the fewest resources. Muslim menials like halalkhoran lived outside village boundaries; mallahzadas in Bihar were like slaves. Caste determined who could access panchayat representation — the village menial-cum-agricultural worker was unlikely to be represented.
At intermediate levels: The correlation was less rigid. Rajputs and Jats cultivated side by side in Marwar; Gauravas sought and gained Rajput status in the 17th century. Ahirs, Gujars, and Malis rose through profitability of cattle rearing and horticulture. Sadgops and Kaivartas (eastern India) acquired peasant status from pastoral/fishing communities.
In economic relations: Zamindars were predominantly upper-caste (Brahmana-Rajput), though intermediate and Muslim zamindars also existed. Caste determined which artisanal groups served which communities (jajmani system). Revenue officials tended to be upper-caste. Caste even influenced access to credit and markets.
In governance: Panchayats represented dominant castes; jati panchayats regulated marriage, land, and ritual precedence within each caste group.
Conclusion: Caste was a fundamental organizing principle — it determined access to land, resources, justice, and mobility. However, economic factors like profitability of new occupations did allow some social mobility, especially at intermediate levels. The system was rigid at the bottom, more flexible in the middle.
7How were the lives of forest dwellers transformed in the 16th and 17th centuries?
Forest dwellers (termed jangli) experienced significant transformation during this period, being gradually drawn into the Mughal political-economic system.
Economic changes: Commercial agriculture expanded into forest zones. Forest products like honey, beeswax, and gum lac were increasingly in demand — gum lac became a major overseas export in the 17th century. This drew forest communities into trade networks, sometimes as exploited suppliers.
Political incorporation: The state demanded peshkash (tribute) including elephants. Many tribal chiefs became zamindars, some even became kings. The Koch kings fought neighboring tribes through the 16th and 17th centuries to expand. The Ahom kings organized paiks (people giving military service for land) and declared elephant capture a royal monopoly.
Military organization: Tribes in Sind had armies of 6,000 cavalry and 7,000 infantry. Tribal chieftains built armed forces, transitioning from tribal to monarchical systems — a process largely complete by the 16th century.
Cultural penetration: Sufi saints (pirs) entered forested zones and facilitated the gradual spread of Islam among communities newly settled in cleared areas. Agricultural settlers, as described in the Chandimangala poem, cleared forests and established markets — displacing traditional forest activities.
Conclusion: Forest dwellers were gradually incorporated into the wider Mughal system, losing some autonomy but gaining participation in trade, governance, and military structures. Their lifestyle shifted from seasonal forest-based living toward more settled and integrated patterns.
Economic changes: Commercial agriculture expanded into forest zones. Forest products like honey, beeswax, and gum lac were increasingly in demand — gum lac became a major overseas export in the 17th century. This drew forest communities into trade networks, sometimes as exploited suppliers.
Political incorporation: The state demanded peshkash (tribute) including elephants. Many tribal chiefs became zamindars, some even became kings. The Koch kings fought neighboring tribes through the 16th and 17th centuries to expand. The Ahom kings organized paiks (people giving military service for land) and declared elephant capture a royal monopoly.
Military organization: Tribes in Sind had armies of 6,000 cavalry and 7,000 infantry. Tribal chieftains built armed forces, transitioning from tribal to monarchical systems — a process largely complete by the 16th century.
Cultural penetration: Sufi saints (pirs) entered forested zones and facilitated the gradual spread of Islam among communities newly settled in cleared areas. Agricultural settlers, as described in the Chandimangala poem, cleared forests and established markets — displacing traditional forest activities.
Conclusion: Forest dwellers were gradually incorporated into the wider Mughal system, losing some autonomy but gaining participation in trade, governance, and military structures. Their lifestyle shifted from seasonal forest-based living toward more settled and integrated patterns.
8Examine the role played by zamindars in Mughal India.
Zamindars occupied the apex of Mughal rural society and played a complex, multi-faceted role.
Social position: They were landed proprietors who did NOT directly cultivate but enjoyed privileges based on caste superiority and service (khidmat) to the state. They sat at the very tip of the rural social pyramid.
Economic role: (1) Held milkiyat (personal) lands farmed with hired/servile labour — freely saleable and mortgageable. (2) Collected revenue on behalf of the state for financial compensation. (3) Established haats (markets) linking peasants to trade networks. (4) Provided loans and means of cultivation to settlers — spearheaded agricultural colonization of new lands. (5) Buying and selling of zamindaris accelerated monetization in the countryside.
Military power: Zamindars had fortresses (qilachas) and armed contingents. Collectively, their military strength was enormous — 3,84,558 cavalry, 42,77,057 infantry, 1,863 elephants (per the Ain).
Complex relationship with peasants: Although exploitative, zamindars also showed reciprocity, paternalism, and patronage. Bhakti saints blamed state revenue officials — not zamindars — as the primary oppressors. In many 17th century uprisings, zamindars sided with peasants against the state.
How zamindaris were built: Through conquest, colonization, purchase, and state orders — even lower-caste people could buy into the zamindar class in this period.
Conclusion: Zamindars were simultaneously exploiters, colonizers, intermediaries, economic agents, and sometimes protectors of peasant interests — a contradictory but indispensable part of the Mughal agrarian order.
Social position: They were landed proprietors who did NOT directly cultivate but enjoyed privileges based on caste superiority and service (khidmat) to the state. They sat at the very tip of the rural social pyramid.
Economic role: (1) Held milkiyat (personal) lands farmed with hired/servile labour — freely saleable and mortgageable. (2) Collected revenue on behalf of the state for financial compensation. (3) Established haats (markets) linking peasants to trade networks. (4) Provided loans and means of cultivation to settlers — spearheaded agricultural colonization of new lands. (5) Buying and selling of zamindaris accelerated monetization in the countryside.
Military power: Zamindars had fortresses (qilachas) and armed contingents. Collectively, their military strength was enormous — 3,84,558 cavalry, 42,77,057 infantry, 1,863 elephants (per the Ain).
Complex relationship with peasants: Although exploitative, zamindars also showed reciprocity, paternalism, and patronage. Bhakti saints blamed state revenue officials — not zamindars — as the primary oppressors. In many 17th century uprisings, zamindars sided with peasants against the state.
How zamindaris were built: Through conquest, colonization, purchase, and state orders — even lower-caste people could buy into the zamindar class in this period.
Conclusion: Zamindars were simultaneously exploiters, colonizers, intermediaries, economic agents, and sometimes protectors of peasant interests — a contradictory but indispensable part of the Mughal agrarian order.
9Discuss the ways in which panchayats and village headmen regulated rural society.
Panchayats and village headmen were the central institutions of local governance in Mughal India.
Composition: The village panchayat was an assembly of elders with hereditary property rights, representing various castes in mixed villages — though menial workers were excluded. It was an oligarchy, not a democracy.
Headman's role (muqaddam/mandal): Chosen by elders, ratified by the zamindar. Supervised preparation of village accounts with the patwari. Oversaw conduct of community members to "prevent any offence against their caste." Could be dismissed if he lost elders' confidence.
Functions of the panchayat: (1) Financial — maintained a common fund for entertaining revenue officials, community welfare, and infrastructure like canals and bunds. (2) Economic — allocated land to artisans (miras/watan), settled compensation disputes. (3) Social/caste regulation — ensured caste boundaries were maintained; in eastern India, all marriages required the mandal's presence. (4) Legal/judicial — levied fines and even expelled members temporarily for violations of caste norms. Jati panchayats arbitrated land claims, marriage validity, and ritual precedence. (5) Political — served as a court of appeal for lower-caste petitioners against excessive taxation or begar.
Limitations: Corrupt mandals defrauded accounts with patwaris and underassessed their own lands. Panchayat decisions favoured dominant groups; women's names were excluded from records.
Conclusion: Panchayats maintained social order, regulated caste norms, and acted as a buffer between the state/zamindars and the peasantry — but primarily in the interests of dominant groups, not the most vulnerable.
Composition: The village panchayat was an assembly of elders with hereditary property rights, representing various castes in mixed villages — though menial workers were excluded. It was an oligarchy, not a democracy.
Headman's role (muqaddam/mandal): Chosen by elders, ratified by the zamindar. Supervised preparation of village accounts with the patwari. Oversaw conduct of community members to "prevent any offence against their caste." Could be dismissed if he lost elders' confidence.
Functions of the panchayat: (1) Financial — maintained a common fund for entertaining revenue officials, community welfare, and infrastructure like canals and bunds. (2) Economic — allocated land to artisans (miras/watan), settled compensation disputes. (3) Social/caste regulation — ensured caste boundaries were maintained; in eastern India, all marriages required the mandal's presence. (4) Legal/judicial — levied fines and even expelled members temporarily for violations of caste norms. Jati panchayats arbitrated land claims, marriage validity, and ritual precedence. (5) Political — served as a court of appeal for lower-caste petitioners against excessive taxation or begar.
Limitations: Corrupt mandals defrauded accounts with patwaris and underassessed their own lands. Panchayat decisions favoured dominant groups; women's names were excluded from records.
Conclusion: Panchayats maintained social order, regulated caste norms, and acted as a buffer between the state/zamindars and the peasantry — but primarily in the interests of dominant groups, not the most vulnerable.
PART D: QUICK REVISION TABLES
All Key Terms at a Glance
| Term | Simple Meaning |
|---|---|
| Raiyat | Peasant (most common Indo-Persian term) |
| Khud-kashta | Peasant who lives in and farms his own village |
| Pahi-kashta | Peasant who farms in another village on contract |
| Jins-i-kamil | "Perfect crops" = cash crops (cotton, sugarcane) |
| Do-fasla | Two crops per year |
| Muqaddam / Mandal | Village headman |
| Patwari | Village accountant |
| Milkiyat | Zamindar's personal/private land |
| Jama | Revenue amount assessed (fixed) |
| Hasil | Revenue amount actually collected |
| Peshkash | Tribute paid by forest/hill peoples to Mughal state |
| Begar | Forced/unpaid labour demanded by upper castes or state |
| Qilachas | Fortresses of zamindars |
| Miras / Watan | Hereditary land holding of artisans (Maharashtra) |
| Khidmat | Services rendered by zamindars to the state |
| Amil-guzar | Revenue collector |
| Diwan | Head of fiscal system of the empire |
| Daftar | Office (also: book/section in the Ain) |
| Kharif | Autumn harvest season |
| Rabi | Spring harvest season |
| Polaj | Land cultivated every year without rest |
| Banjar | Land uncultivated for 5+ years |
| Paik | Person giving military service in exchange for land (Ahom kingdom, Assam) |
| Mawas | Forest as refuge from the state (for rebels) |
| Shroff | Village moneychanger / banker |
| Haats | Rural markets established by zamindars |
| Majur | Agricultural labourer / menial worker |
| Jangli | Forest dweller (not uncivilized; forest-based livelihood) |
| Mansabdari | Mughal military-bureaucratic rank system |
| Jagirs | Revenue assignments given to mansabdars instead of salary |
| Rupya | Silver coin of the Mughal Empire |
Mughal Emperors Timeline
1526 — Babur defeats Ibrahim Lodi at Panipat; first Mughal emperor
1556–1605 — Akbar; Ain-i-Akbari completed 1598 (5 revisions by Abu'l Fazl)
1605–27 — Jahangir; banned tobacco (ineffectively, c. 1604)
1628–58 — Shah Jahan; built shahnahr canal in Punjab
1658–1707 — Aurangzeb; 1665 order for village-by-village cultivation survey
1765 — Diwani of Bengal transferred to East India Company
1857 — Last Mughal Bahadur Shah II deposed and exiled
Important Facts for Exam (Remember These!)
⭐ Must-Know Facts
- 85% of India lived in villages (16th–17th c.)
- Ain-i-Akbari: Completed 1598, 5 revisions, by Abu'l Fazl
- Bengal produced 50 varieties of rice alone
- Agra: 39 crop varieties | Delhi: 43 crop varieties (per Ain)
- Average north Indian peasant: ≤ 1 pair of bullocks + 2 ploughs
- Zamindars' combined cavalry: 3,84,558 (per Ain) — a parallel army!
- Tobacco first reached Deccan; Akbar first saw it in 1604
- India's population grew ~50 million (33%) between 1600–1800
- Ain has 5 daftars; 3rd (mulk-abadi) most useful for agrarian history
- Rajshahi zamindari (Bengal, 18th c.) was headed by a woman
- Revenue = 1/3 of average produce (good + middling + bad)
- Giovanni Careri (c. 1690): Observed silver flowing from Americas → India